The Ghost of McCarthy’s Past
The ghost of “Tail-Gunner Joe” McCarthy is once again haunting the halls of the U.S. Congress. In recent TikTok hearings, some Republicans have resurrected the hallmarks of McCarthyism, interrogating officials and CEOs about their alleged ties to “demonized” groups. Meanwhile, Democrats have joined in, making unsubstantiated accusations of “misinformation and disinformation” spread by so-called “revisionist” nations.
These repeat performances come as no surprise. Just like in the 1950s, they are part of a broader effort to prepare the country for potential nuclear conflict, creating new boogeymen to rally resources and public support for a range of unnecessary military engagements. The post-World War II order shaped by the first Cold War is now collapsing, as U.S. hegemony faces challenges from rising global powers. And, as in the past, domestic opponents of the ruling class’s worldview represent an impediment that must be eliminated.
Understanding the real history of this “American inquisition” is crucial for anyone seeking to build a better world. The victims of the Red Scare have been slandered and their stories forgotten. But the lessons of this dark chapter in U.S. history are as relevant today as they were 70 years ago.
The World After the War
By 1943, as the end of World War II loomed, debates over the shape of the postwar world began to intensify. The allied coalition that had united to defeat fascism was a unique relationship of disparate interests, from British imperialists to Soviet communists to American industrialists.
One camp in the U.S. saw the wartime alliance as a good blueprint for future international relations, and the New Deal as a framework for domestic class relations. The other camp, however, viewed the war as an opportunity for the U.S. to displace its rivals and assert its dominance as the “American Century.”
This latter group faced thorny issues. Hopes had been raised that the end of the war would mean a transition away from colonialism, Jim Crow, and great power conflicts. But this did not align with the business class’s desire to “exert … the full impact” of American influence around the world. Maintaining colonial exploitation and suppressing challenges to segregation and corporate power were crucial for their vision of the future.
Internationally, the U.S. ruling class sought to break up the exclusive economic zones of the old imperial powers, but not to the point where anti-exploitative practices might reduce profits. Domestically, the growing strength of labor unions and the civil rights-labor coalition posed a serious threat to their plans.
The Cold War Begins
The ruling elites had a plan to address these challenges: promote mass hysteria about a potential war with the Soviet Union. Whether at home or abroad, the primary opponents to American capitalism’s efforts to deepen exploitation were communists. Removing them from the picture would make busting unions, lowering wages, protecting segregation, and continuing old empires under new ownership much easier.
Furthermore, the “military-industrial complex” could generate massive profits and convince enough of the working class that the system was working. As one business publication noted, “The assurance of continued high level of defense expenditures under present conditions cannot be underestimated because the whole economy pivots around it.”
The relationship between these various issues became clear in 1947. That year, the U.S. government established the Defense Department, the CIA, and the National Security Council to coordinate military, diplomatic, and domestic affairs. Congress also passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which severely weakened trade unions, and President Truman initiated the “loyalty program” to persecute government employees who disagreed with Cold War policies.
Was There a Soviet Threat?
Despite the rhetoric, U.S. officials did not actually see the Soviet Union as an imminent threat of war. In fact, numerous high-ranking military and government figures expressed confidence that the Soviets did not want war.
The real issue was not war, but the balance of power. U.S. global supremacy depended on Washington’s ability to manage the changes in post-war Europe, especially the future of Germany. The Soviets wanted Germany to be totally demilitarized and limited in its economic production, while the U.S. ruling class saw this as an obstacle to their vision of a U.S.-dominated “Atlantic alliance.”
Similarly, in Asia, the U.S. was alarmed by the rise of popular left-wing and communist-led national liberation movements, from China to Korea to Vietnam. Preventing these movements from gaining power was crucial for maintaining U.S. influence and access to resources.
Enter the Red Scare
Unable to conjure a credible image of an aggressive USSR, the architects of the Cold War had to make peace overtures from communists worldwide seem sinister, mere smokescreens hiding war preparations. To achieve this, they needed to “expose” that the communists were “all around us” – from the smallest community group to the highest levels of government.
This made sense because millions of Americans had signed petitions, joined demonstrations, and engaged with unions and New Deal programs over the preceding decades. While only a small percentage were actually communists, the vast majority were classed as “dupes” providing cover for supposed Soviet agents.
To root out these “subversives,” the government and private industry began a coordinated campaign of persecution. The “Loyalty Program,” the Taft-Hartley Act, and a host of other laws and policies allowed for the interrogation, harassment, and firing of anyone deemed insufficiently loyal. Private “loyalty review boards” also emerged, using former communists and other dubious witnesses to smear and blacklist individuals.
The end result was the destruction of the most forward-looking elements of American society – the civil rights, labor, and cooperative movements that had offered the greatest promise of a more just and equitable post-war world. In their place arose a much more conservative outlook that empowered Jim Crow and weakened militant unionism, lowering the horizons for everyone who wasn’t ultra-wealthy and/or white.
Conclusion
The ghost of “Tail-Gunner Joe” McCarthy continues to haunt the present day, as new generations of politicians seek to create boogeymen and suppress dissent in the name of “national security.” But the real history of the Red Scare and McCarthyism reveals that the threat to American democracy came not from communists, but from the ruling class’s determination to maintain its power and profits at all costs.
As the Stanley Park High School community navigates the complex political landscape of the 21st century, understanding this crucial chapter of the past can provide invaluable lessons for building a more just, equitable, and democratic future. By learning from the mistakes and excesses of McCarthyism, we can ensure that the ghosts of the past do not continue to haunt the present.
